Upcoming Events 2020
US-UA Security Dialogue XI
Washington, DC
March 5, 2020 
New York City
April 30, 2020
US-UA WG Yearly Summit VIII
New York City [Webcasting]
June 17-18, 2020

US-UA Energy Dialogue SE
Washington DC [Webcasting]
June 29, 2020 
UA HES Special Event:
Ukrainians in 1945/75th 
Year Retrospective 
Ukrainian Institute of America
September 26, 2020 
Washington, DC [Webcasting]
October 21-22, 2020 
PL-LT-UA Relations
Chicago, IL 
November 14, 2020 


CUSUR 2016 - Project I
US-UA “Working Group” Initiative

The US-Ukraine “Working Group” Initiative was launched in 2007 in order to secure an array of experts in "areas of interest” for CUSUR and its various forums/proceedings; at the same time, it was hoped that the ‘experts’ might agree to write a series of ‘occasional papers’ to identify “major issues” impacting on US-Ukrainian relations.
CUSUR 2017 - Project II
Publication Efforts

Recognizing the urgent need to set up proper channels for the maximum circulation of the information/analysis CUSUR possessed or had at its disposal, the Center long focused on having ‘a publication presence’ of some form or another.
CUSUR 2019 - Project III
DC Occasional Briefings Series

CUSUR did not turn its attention to having a DC presence until summer 2012. Borrowing space when the need arose (particularly for various forum steering committees meetings) from the American Foreign Policy Council, its longest abiding partner, seemed to suffice; an Acela ride from the Center’s NY office did the rest. If there was a concern, it was to open an office in Kyiv.
Viktor Yanukovych: Between Rhetoric and Realities

Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood Roundtable XI:
"Compelling Bilateral Ties/Germany-Ukraine & Russia-Ukraine"

Viktor Yanukovych: Between Rhetoric and Realities

Taras Kuzio

Remarks by Dr. Taras Kuzio, Visiting Fellow, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University, delivered at Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood RT XI: Compelling Bilateral Ties/Germany-Ukraine & Russia-Ukraine, held in Washington DC on October 21, 2010.

The Viktor Yanukovych administration claims that it is:

  1. Committed to EU membership;
  2. Committed to democratic norms, free elections and free media;

But, what is the reality?

  1. Yanukovych, like Kuchma in 2004, has total power: presidential constitution;
  2. Unlike Kuchma in 2004, Yanukovych controls the parliament.

His image is one of two:

  1. Re-Born Democrat Image: he can show that he has learnt the lessons of 2004 and moved on.
  2. Bandit Image: essentially remains the same as in 2004.

Yanukovych’s international image is tilting towards the second view point that he has not changed. The big test of his democratic credentials will be 31 October local elections.

There is growing international criticism of creeping authoritarianism:

  1. British Minister of State for Europe: democratization;
  2. European Peoples Party; democratization
  3. Venice Commission on legal reforms: constitutional issues
  4. European Union; elections
  5. US Mission to OSCE at OSCE Human Dimension conference; elections
  6. Congress of local and regional authorities; elections
  7. National Democratic Institute and International Republican Institute; elections
  8. Reporters Without Frontiers; elections
  9. Deputy Head of Central Election Commission and Committee of Voters; elections

In Yanukovych’s first year in office:

  • Growing credibility gap between words and deeds: return to Kuchma era virtual politics.
  • These deeds are leading to a growing viewpoint in West of:
    1. Neo-Sovietisation
    2. KGB-ization of the SBU
    3. Democratic rollback and authoritarianism
    4. Lead to Kuchma soft authoritarianism or Putin hard authoritarianism?

The worsening of his image is a consequence of how politics is undertaken. ‘Ukraine should play by the rules – not with the rules’, EU Foreign Policy Chief Javier Solana told President Kuchma in 2002.

Yanukovych continues to play with the rules:

  1. Insufficient votes or worried about losing a referendum to change the constitution, then pressure the Constitutional Court.
  2. Insufficient votes to establish a parliamentary coalition, then change parliaments regulations and pressure the Constitutional Court.
  3. Can’t win elections in Kyiv, then liquidate rayon councils and change the law to have the mayor appointed as the governor.
  4. Insufficient votes to change the constitution to make Russian a state language, then adopt a law giving regional autonomy on language issues.
  5. Don’t like the Supreme Court because of December 2004, then use legal reforms to make it irrelevant.

Playing with the rules was especially prevalent in the October 1 decision to return to the 1996 constitution. ‘What took place is illegal, unconstitutional, illegitimate and unnecessary for Yanukovych’ and ‘Ukraine is moving to Russia’, said Mikhail Pogrebynsky, Director, Ukrainian Centre for Political and Conflict Studies.

It is worth remembering that:

  1. Eastern European and Baltic states adopted parliamentary constitutions which assisted their building of democracies and Western integration.
  2. CIS states adopted presidential constitutions which led to authoritarianism.

Another area of concern is ‘re-KGB-ization’ of the SBU:

The SBU is moving towards KGB-FSB model to a greater degree than under Kuchma. This year the SBU has investigated and created a climate of fear with:

  1. Human rights NGO’s
  2. Feminist NGO
  3. Historians and academics
  4. Journalists
  5. Political opposition
  6. Foreign foundations

The October 31 local elections will not meet international standards and 58% of Ukrainians believe there will be election fraud:

  • Authorities control majorities in all election commissions;
  • Cloning of Fatherland Party lists of candidates;
  • Refusing to register opposition candidates;
  • Denial of media access;
  • “Campaign against corruption” targets Tymoshenko;
  • Virtual-loyal nationalists: Svoboda;
  • Complaints of administrative resources by opposition and authorities coalition partners.

There is time to re-adjust policies as Yanukovych is only in his first year in office. Ukraine is not yet Russia. But, can the drive to “Putinism” be halted? There are four policy changes that need to be taken to reduce tension and instability:

  1. Remove divisive cabinet members;
  2. Promote national consolidation through the formation of a grand coalition;
  3. Oligarchs are no longer passive in politics;
  4. Shift from single to multi-vector foreign policy: good relations with Russia with integration into Europe.

Past Highlight Events

RT XVII Items of Note
Highlights from Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood RT XVII: Ukraine & Religious Freedom, held in Washington, DC on Oct. 27, 2016
UA HES SE: UA 25th B-Day
Highlights from UA HES Special Event: 'Commemorating the 25th Anniversary of the Modern Ukrainian State', held at the NY Princeton Club on Sept. 17, 2016
US-UA WG YS IV Highlights
Highlights from US-UA WG Yearly Summit IV: Providing Ukraine with an Annual Report Card, held at the University Club in Washington, DC on June 16, 2016
US-UA SD VII Items of Note
Highlights from US-Ukraine Security Dialogue VII held on February 25, 2016 in Washington DC
UA HES SE: WW2 Legacy
Highlights from the UA Historical Encounters Special Event: 'Contested Ground': The Legacy of WW2 in Eastern Europe, held in Edmonton on October 23-24, 2015
Holodomor SE Highlights
Highlights from the UA Historical Encounters Special Event: Taking Measure of the Holodomor, held at the Princeton Club of NY on November 5-6, 2013
US-UA SD III Items of Note
Highlights from US-Ukraine Security Dialogue III held on May 19, 2012 in Chicago, IL

  • Former UA Foreign Minister Volodymyr Ohryzko's keynote
UEAF Forum VI Highlights
Highlights from UEAF Forum VI, held in Ottawa, Canada on March 7-8, 2012
RT XII Items of Note
Highlights from Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood RT XII: PL-UA & TR-UA, held in Washington, DC on Oct 19–20, 2011
US-UA ED III Items of Note
Highlights from US-Ukraine Energy Dialogue III, held in Washington DC
on April 15-16, 2008
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